This article originally appeared in Israel Hayom on December 25, 2025.
Faced with regional instability and the new Iranian threat, Prime Minister Netanyahu’s meeting with President Donald Trump is crucial for coordinating the course of action in Syria, Lebanon, and the Gaza Strip. The peaceful and pleasant setting of the Mar-a-Lago residence in Florida is undoubtedly an ideal diplomatic venue for initiating frank discussions and sincere exchanges, despite the complexity of the issues and the difficulty of resolving all the ongoing problems.
Several factors make this meeting crucial, and the Iranian threat is undoubtedly the most serious. Iran is rebuilding its nuclear capabilities and, above all, its ballistic missiles. Since the Israeli airstrikes and the American attacks on various nuclear sites just six months ago, the ayatollahs have relentlessly pursued their nuclear program and significantly improved their ballistic missile arsenal, capable of reaching all strategic targets within Israeli territory.
It seems that President Trump does not want another war against the Ayatollahs and, for the time being, refuses to allow Israel to attack Iran. Faced with this refusal, Netanyahu will have to present Trump with a comprehensive dossier from the intelligence services, Mossad and Aman, and obtain American approval in the event of an imminent and existential threat that would constitute a true casus belli.
Trump is a man in a hurry and wants to conclude peace agreements quickly and hastily sign economic and trade deals. However, he will not hesitate to launch raids if American soldiers are threatened or attacked, as he did recently in Syria against ISIS terrorist cells.
The instability of the Syrian regime and Trump’s support for Ahmed al-Charaa, a former terrorist leader, should also worry Americans.
We deplore their haste in recognizing this new regime and lifting the robust sanctions imposed on Syria without preconditions. Netanyahu must be firm on this issue and demand the continued presence of the IDF on Mount Hermon in Syria and effective protection for the Druze minority in the south of the country.
Regarding South Lebanon, it is essential to disarm Hezbollah, particularly through the use of an international force, and to fully implement the UN Security Council resolutions, including the one adopted in 2006 following the Second Lebanon War. This resolution notably required the establishment of a buffer zone between the Blue Line border and the Litani River. In August 2025, Resolution 2790 also renewed the mandate of UNIFIL until December 31, 2026.
In this context, Netanyahu will have to ask Trump to allow the IDF to launch targeted raids against each Hezbollah ceasefire violation and forcefully demand the dismantling of the Shiite militia’s military arsenal.
Implementing the second phase of the Gaza conflict resolution is obviously the most complicated, as Hamas not only refuses to lay down its arms but is also slowly but surely regaining control of the Gaza Strip. This is all the true given that Qatar and Turkey continue to support Hamas and are eager to join the Peace Council, of which Trump is also the chairman.
While the IDF controls a significant portion of Palestinian territory, an Israeli troop withdrawal is out of the question as long as Hamas refuses to lay down its arms. Consequently, the IDF’s indefinite presence in the Gaza Strip also complicates the establishment of an international force and a peace council.
To break the deadlock and avoid straining relations with the American administration, Netanyahu will first have to muzzle his ministers and teach them to keep quiet, rather than speak carelessly. “Speech is silver and silence is golden.” This saying from our Talmudic sages is especially valid in diplomatic relations.
The Prime Minister will also have to make certain concessions on the condition that he does not endanger our security interests and obtain from Trump a formal commitment to demilitarize the Gaza Strip by all means and at all costs before even rebuilding this territory.
Without a doubt, expanding the Abraham Accords to include Saudi Arabia or Indonesia would be a crucial step towards reconciliation with the Arab and Muslim world, but it cannot come at the expense of the Jewish state. We reject an illusory peace.
