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Europe Is Waking from Its Torpor

Did the Europeans really think the Islamic Guards would become choirboys? Do they prefer to trade with the mullahs and make good deals, grandiose economic projects in exchange for barrels of oil?
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European Parliament (ECC-BY-4.0: © European Union 2019 – Source: EP)

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This article originally appeared in Israel Hayom on February 1, 2026.

Since the 1979 Islamic Revolution, Europe has grappled with the question of whether the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is truly a terrorist organization. This dilemma characterizes the philosophical reasoning of Europeans in international affairs. This logical approach to weighing the pros and cons is also debated when classifying Hezbollah or Hamas. Even worse, while Europe does not label Iran a rogue state, some leaders dare to say that the Jewish state is a pariah state that systematically violates international law. Furthermore, Europeans have not demanded sanctions against the Ayatollahs’ fervent desire to annihilate the Jewish state by any means necessary, including the atomic bomb.

For many decades, this hypocritical vacillation persisted, and liberal Europe naively believed that diplomatic dialogue with the Islamist regime would be the best way to get the Revolutionary Guards to renounce terror and international terrorism. They were unaware that the Revolutionary Guards are bloodthirsty terrorists responsible for the deaths of numerous French and American citizens, among others. They finance, command, and sow terror in the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America. Let us remind those with short memories: Buenos Aires, March 17, 1992, an attack was carried out against the Israeli embassy: 29 dead and 242 wounded. On July 18, 1994, another attack against AMIA, the headquarters of the Jewish community: 85 dead and 250 wounded.

Other spectacular attacks were thwarted on European soil at the last minute, thanks to valuable intelligence and warnings provided by Mossad. How could Europe, the “champion of human rights,” have remained indifferent for so many years?

On January 18, 2023, after several months of brutal repression-500 killed, 14,000 arrested, and four people already executed in public- the European Parliament demanded severe sanctions against the Revolutionary Guards. The Ayatollah’s reaction was swift and forceful, with numerous threats clearly stating they would not interfere “in Iran’s internal affairs.”

The threatening messages sparked fears of reprisals. After numerous consultations, foreign ministers met in Brussels. Debates, fears, and hesitations ensued before they finally decided not to designate the Revolutionary Guards as a terrorist organization.

The then-EU foreign policy chief, Josep Borrell, stated that “EU countries cannot decide, at this stage, to place the Revolutionary Guards on a blacklist.” Why? He explained that “only a court can decide on the matter.” Is it truly a legal question? Who decides? Judges? Civil servants or elected officials?

Did the Europeans really think the Islamic Guards would become choirboys? Do they prefer to trade with the mullahs and make good deals, grandiose economic projects in exchange for barrels of oil?

European leaders searched in vain for a loophole. They were even capable of cheating. They put in place export mechanisms designed to avoid dollar transactions and resist sanctions. The German company Siemens had signed a $1.6 billion agreement to build new trains and modernize railway lines in Iran. As early as 2008, Siemens was partnered with a telecommunications monopoly controlled by the Revolutionary Guard. This allowed the Iranian regime to use new technological capabilities to monitor and censor internet networks.

During the unrest surrounding the 2009 presidential elections, and more recently, the Revolutionary Guards have used this technology to suppress protests and block social media. They collect information on every user, threaten bloggers, and arrest journalists.

Other European companies, such as Royal Dutch Shell and the Italian company ENI, also submitted concrete projects to the National Iranian Oil Company, an industrial group linked to the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). These oil and gas projects are valued at over $200 billion in investment. These enormous sums fueled the IRGC’s finances.

On January 7, 2026, everything changed. Following demonstrations by merchants in Tehran’s Grand Bazaar protesting the precipitous fall of the rial (the local currency), the protests spread to several other major cities across the country and transformed into an unprecedented popular movement against the mullahs’ regime. The authorities responded forcefully, using all means at their disposal, including sniper fire and automatic weapons attacks on the crowds.

The repression is brutal, cruel, and bloody. The toll is very heavy: 30,000 killed and tens of thousands wounded, according to the opposition.

European reactions are mixed. As usual, strong judgments are avoided. The Iranian government is politely asked to refrain from violence… In the streets of Paris, London, and Rome, the only sporadic demonstrations are from the Iranian diaspora.

No government movement, no political party, no NGO has the courage to organize protests. A scandalous and hypocritical double game persists. The motto is transparent: protests will only be held in the streets against Israelis and in support of Palestinian victims…

The Europeans waited three weeks before finally adding the Iranian Revolutionary Guard to the list of terrorist organizations.

Certainly, this is an important decision, but a resumption of negotiations between the Americans and Iran will indefinitely postpone the fall of the mullahs’ regime and will primarily satisfy the Europeans.

By excluding exemplary punishment for the ayatollahs and the Revolutionary Guards, for all those who massacre their own people, Westerners will violate their commitments, betray Iranian opponents and be complicit in crimes against humanity.

Amb. Freddy Eytan

Amb. Freddy Eytan, a former Foreign Ministry senior advisor who served in Israel’s embassies in Paris and Brussels, was Israel’s first Ambassador to the Islamic Republic of Mauritania. He was also the spokesman of the Israeli delegation in the peace process with the Palestinians. Since 2007, he heads the Israel-Europe Project at the Jerusalem Center, which focuses on analyzing Israeli relations with the countries of Europe and seeks to develop ties and avenues of bilateral cooperation. He is also the director of Le Cape, the Jerusalem Center website in French. Amb. Eytan has written 25 books about the Israeli-Arab conflict and the policy of France in the Middle East, including La Poudriere (The Powder Keg) and Le double jeu (the Double Game). He has also published biographies of Shimon Peres, Ariel Sharon, Benjamin Netanyahu, and a book, The 18 Who Built Israel.
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